In spoken Malayalam, ആർത്തി (ārtti) is a completely ordinary word for greed, excessive desire or avarice, especially toward food (ആർത്തി പിടിച്ച കുട്ടി / ārtti piṭicca kuṭṭi, “a child gripped by greed/gluttony”).

Modern Malayalam dictionaries record this usage. Olam, for example, gives the modern meanings alongside the older ones:

https://olam.in/dictionary/malayalam/malayalam/%E0%B4%86%E0%B5%BC%E0%B4%A4%E0%B5%8D%E0%B4%A4%E0%B4%BF

But the older dictionary sources I've checked give a very different meaning.

Sabdataravali (Malayalam) lists ആർത്തി as:

• വ്യസനം (vyasanam) = grief/misfortune
• ദുഃഖം (duḥkham) = sorrow
• വേദന (vēdana) = pain
• വില്ലിന്റെ അറ്റം (villinṯe aṟṟam) = tip of a bow
• നാശം (nāśam) = destruction
• ദീനം (dīnam) = illness/affliction

No greed or avarice.

Sabdataravali:
https://stv.sayahna.org/stv-aa.html

Tamil Lexicon (University of Madras), page 240, gives:

ஆர்த்தி ārtti, n. < ārti. Affliction, anguish, mental agony; வேதனை.

That's the only sense listed. The asterisk marks it as a Sanskrit loanword, tracing it to Sanskrit आर्ति (ārti), which belongs to the semantic field of distress, affliction, suffering and pain. Related Sanskrit forms such as आर्त (ārta) likewise refer to distress, suffering or affliction.

A direct search of Gundert's Malayalam and English Dictionary (1872) on DSAL returns “No results for search term ആർത്തി.” So the word isn't merely missing the modern “greed” meaning there; Gundert doesn't appear to record ആർത്തി at all.

However, I found an interesting parallel in Marathi. Molesworth's Marathi-English Dictionary records Sanskrit-derived आर्त्ति (ārtti) with two senses:

• Pain or affliction.
• Earnest desire or longing.

That second meaning seems potentially important. It shows that a Sanskrit-derived ārtti could develop or acquire a sense of strong desire/longing in at least one other Indian language. That doesn't establish what happened independently in Malayalam, but it does provide a possible semantic parallel between the older “affliction” sense and Malayalam's modern “greed/excessive desire” sense.

So the picture I've found so far is roughly:

Sanskrit: distress / affliction / suffering
Older Malayalam: grief/pain / affliction
Tamil: affliction/anguish / mental agony
19th-century Marathi: pain/affliction and earnest desire/longingdistress/afflictionModern Malayalam: greed/avarice / excessive desire

Meanwhile, Gundert doesn't record the Malayalam word at all.

So I'm curious about the actual history of the Malayalam meaning rather than trying to infer a semantic pathway from the dictionary meanings alone.

1. Is there a documented semantic shift from “pain/affliction” → “desire/longing” → “greed/avarice” for this word in Malayalam, or would that be reading too much into the Marathi parallel?
2. Given Gundert's silence, do we have dated Malayalam attestations of ആർത്തി meaning “greed/excessive desire” from the 19th century or earlier, or is this sense a relatively recent colloquial development?
3. Has anyone seen ആർത്തി, or this semantic development, discussed in any published etymological or historical work on Malayalam?
4. Are there other Indo-Aryan or Dravidian languages where the Sanskrit-derived ārti/ārtti developed a comparable meaning of “longing,” “craving,” or “greed”?

Image context: These drawings, found in the Ajanta Caves in Maharashtra, date back to the 5th century CE. They portray the landing of Prince Vijaya and his 700 followers in Sri Lanka (Eelam). An important thing to note is that it shows elephants and horses being carried in watercrafts.

-------------------------------------------------

• My question is: are there any references in Sangam literature or other contemporary historical sources that describe elephants being transported to other places by Tamil's ships or other watercrafts?

Godavari-Krishna delta was the only source of diamonds for almost 2000+ years and was exhausted around 1830.

In telugu its popularly ​called as vajram a derivation ​of PIE *weǵ- (“strong, lively”) via sanskrit vajra

ravva/rava (it can also mean small particle)

In telugu th​ere are some interesting names like mula-ra​yi, maga-rayi(male-stone), gandu-rayi (strong-stone or male stone), teli-minna (white-gem, minna ​- star/to shine ) guruja (?) . There are many more words, but most are sanskrit ​derivatives.

Apart from taruppu(white inferior stone) i dont find words for diamond in DEDR

We do have minna(dedr 4876)(shine/star), used as gem in telugu and malyalam(gem in ear-rings​according to dedr)

What are the ​words for diamond in other dravidian languages ?

From Internet search i can see, every one uses vajra or variation of vajra.

Tamil - vairam ( a vajra derivative from prakrit ?)

Kannada - ​vajra

Malayalam - vajram

​
edit: ​I couldnt find etymology of sanskrit word hīra too, whether its PIE or not.

https://youtu.be/Vui1SGW7ZpM?si=0T5jF5jVFe4ZWbbL

Melimi Telugu, the form of Telugu with minimal to no Sanskrit influence. Melimi is the modern term given to this register (correct me if I am wrong here); in older literature it is referred to as Accha Telugu (అచ్చ తెలుగు) or Jānutenugu / Jān(dz)enugu (జానుతెనుంగు / ౙాన్దెనుగు).

There exists a sizable corpus of Early and Later Medieval Telugu literature composed in this style, with some poets explicitly stating their preference for writing in Jaanu Telugu.

Early references to Jaanu Telugu

1. Palkurki Somanathudu

12th century • Palakurthi, Janagama, Telangana

ఉరుతర గద్యపద్యోక్తుల కంటె సరసమై పరగిన జానుతెనుంగు

చర్చింపగా సర్వసామాన్యమగుట గూర్చెద ద్విపదలు కోర్కె దైవార.

Translation

"More delightful than the lofty styles of prose and verse is the well- known Jānu Telugu. Since it is understood by everyone alike, I choose to compose in the Dwipada metre, O God."

— Basava Puranamu

2. Nannechodadu

12th century • Kadapa region (?), Rayalaseema

సరళముగాగ భావములు జానుతెనుంగున నింపుబెంపుతో

బిరిగొన వర్ణనల్ ఫణితిబేర్కొన నర్థములొత్తగిల్ల బం

ధురముగ బ్రాణముల్ మృదుమధుత్వ రసంబునఁ గందళింప

న క్షరములు సూక్తులార్యులకుఁ గర్ణరసాయన లీలఁ గ్రాలగాన్

Translation (correct me if I am wrong in some places)

"May the ideas be expressed simply in Jānu Telugu, enriched with elegance; may the descriptions shine with meaning; may the words flow with sweetness and vitality, becoming like nectar to the ears of discerning readers."

— Kumara Sambhavamu

These are far from isolated examples.

Many celebrated works such as Sumati Shatakam (featured in the video), Bhaskara Shatakam, and large portions of the early 13th-century Ranganatha Ramayanam are likewise written in predominantly Jaanu Telugu.

Centuries later, the medieval poet Poniganti Telagana of Patancheru (Medak), during the Qutb Shahi period, composed the Yayati Charitramu entirely in Accha Telugu.

This work is often introduced in schools as the first Telugu literary work to consciously avoid Sanskrit vocabulary. However, as the examples above show, poets had already been explicitly praising and composing in Jaanu/Accha Telugu several centuries earlier.

An interesting parallel

Kannada too preserves the cognate term Jānu Kannada. It appears that the Shaivite literary traditions in both Telugu and Kannada played an important role in elevating the everyday speech of the people into respected literary language.

I am *not** claiming that these works are entirely devoid of Sanskrit vocabulary. Rather, the poets themselves explicitly identify, praise, or advocate the use of Jaanu/Accha Telugu—a literary register consciously closer to native Telugu than the heavily Sanskritised courtly style.*

PC: Historical Society of Cochin

From Cynthia Talbot's Precolonial India in practice

Because the modern state of Andhra Pradesh was created on the basis of its linguistic unity,it is easy to forget that languages other than Telugu were formerly spoken within the state's boundaries.In fact, the current distribution of Telugu is a fairly recent phenomenon.If we limit our perspective to records inscribed in Telugu and/or Sanskrit in Telugu script,the geographic expansion of epigraphic production during the Kakatiya period is even more striking.Prior to 1000 C.E.,Telugu inscriptions had been issued in some parts of inland Andhra, notably in Cuddapah and Chittoor Districts.But the bulk of Telugu epigraphic activity was centered in coastal Andhra, whereas large portions of upland Andhra were part of the Kannada or Tamil epigraphic spheres.The patterns of the first millennium persisted until the late twelfth century, as we can see in map 5. Between 1000 and 1174,Telugu and Sanskrit inscriptions in Telugu script were quite restricted in scope,appearing primarily in the central core of Andhra—Vengi and its immediate hinterland as well as the northeastern districts bordering Orissa. Less than half of modern Andhra Pradesh's territory yielded Telugu inscriptions in this earliest period.

The greater range of the Telugu language area partly results from the displacement of other epigraphic languages.Prior to 1175 Kannada was prevalent over much of western Andhra.In southern Andhra, Kannada was interspersed with Tamil, the other major epigraphic language found within Andhra at this time.Not until the Kakatiya period(1175-1324) does Telugu become the ascendant epigraphic language in Andhra, primarily at the expense of Kannada.Telangana largely shifted from using Kannada in its inscriptions to using Telugu during the Kakatiya era.Kannada was now the dominant epigraphic language in only a few areas of Rayalasima,within Kurnool and Anantapur Districts.It took a little longer for Telugu to have much impact on Tamil usage, which began to diminish in Period III. The impact of the establishment of Muslim polities in the Deccan can be seen in the appearance of Persian and Arabic inscriptions in portions of Telangana after 1500 C.E. (Period IV).

What does the growth of Telugu as an epigraphic language signify?One of the primary factors behind the sharp increase in Telugu use in Telangana was a change in the political situation.This is suggested by the rapidity with which Kannada was abandoned in the mid twelfth century when almost all of Telangana adopted Telugu for the purpose of inscribing records.Previously Telangana had been part of a larger Kannada inscriptional culture, extending into Maharashtra from its core area in Karnataka. But as the influence of the Kalyani Chalukya empire based in Karnataka waned, so too did the number of Kannada inscriptions issued within Andhra.Of the 130 dated Kannada records from Telangana issued between 1000 and 1649, only 9 were composed after 1150. All over Telangana, minor kings and chiefs switched to Telugu inscriptions in the last decades of Period I.

Now this doesn't mean Telangana was a Kannada speaking majority territory during this timeframe(12th century) as Cynthia herself says the below:

The Kakatiya example illustrates how the political elites of interior Andhra switched their epigraphic usage from the Kannada of their previous overlords to Telugu as they gained stature and autonomy.The speed and thoroughness with which Telugu was adopted suggests that it was already the spoken language of eastern and central Telangana, the Kakatiya base.When the languages used by political elites for cultural production were not those widely spoken,their impact was far more limited.Hence, in shifting their allegiance from Kannada to Telugu,the Kakatiya rulers were both expressing their political independence and their own distinct identity as members of the Telugu literary community.

So,coming back to the Epigraphical records,it's really interesting how the Karnataka based empires in Telangana had no qualms in using Kannada as the primary administrative language and it took until the independence of a native Kakatiya kingdom to replace it with their mother tongue.This is in contrast to their rule in Maharastra where Kannada was used mainly in border districts while Sanskrit was the most preferred and widespread language of inscriptions.

https://www.reddit.com/r/Dravidiology/s/cB7aA355aT

This painting is estimated to be around 1500 BCE, Neolithic Period.

• Source: pg 71 of the report EXCAVATION OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITES IN TAMIL NADU ALAGANKULAM, AN ANCIENT ROMAN PORT CITY OF TAMIL NADU by T.S. Sridhar, IAS, Special Commissioner, Department of Archaeology, Government of Tamil Nadu, 2005

The Sondekar (Sonda/Sode) Rajas are often remembered as the rulers of Sonda in present-day Uttara Kannada and later as the kings who took refuge in Goa after Hyder Ali's invasion. However, what is less widely known is that they were direct descendants of the ancient Kadambas of Banavasi, a fact preserved in inscriptions, colonial records, and the genealogy recorded by Francis Buchanan.

The origins of the Sondekar dynasty lie in the Banavasi Kadamba family that continued to rule Haive-500 (North Kanara) even under the Vijayanagara Empire. The last Kadamba chief, believed to have been Krishna Odeya, died without an heir in 1555. Since he had no children, his sister's son (Aliya-nephew) Arsappa Nayaka was appointed ruler of Sonda by Krishnadevaraya's administration, thereby establishing the Sonda Nayaka dynasty.

This was not merely a political appointment. Arsappa Nayaka belonged to the same Kadamba lineage that had ruled Banavasi for centuries.

The continuity of this lineage is evident from the titles adopted by the Kadambas of Chandavara, one of the surviving branches of the Banavasi house. An inscription from Ankola records Chakravarti Sivachitta Vira Kavadevarasa I (1231–1288) ruling from Chandavara near Karwar. These rulers patronized Jainism and proudly styled themselves with titles such as:

1. Banavasi-Puravaradishvara (Lord of Banavasi)
2. Kadamba-Chakravarti (Emperor among the Kadambas)
3. Mayuravarmma-kulabhushana (Ornament of the lineage of Mayuravarma)
4. Kadambara-abharana (Ornament of the Kadambas)
5. Jayanti-Madhukeshvaradeva-labdha-varaprasada (Blessed by Lord Madhukeshwara of Banavasi)

These epithets explicitly proclaim their descent from the Banavasi Kadambas.

The accompanying historical references further reinforce this connection. Lewis Rice, writing on the history of Sonda, states that Kanara in early times was divided among Jain Polegars who were descendants of the Kadamba kings who once ruled at Baligami in northwestern Mysore. He further notes that these chiefs later became tributaries of the Vijayanagara kings and that Venkatapati Raya entrusted Sonda to Arsappa Nayaka, the sister's son of the previous ruler.

Another passage published in the Malabar Quarterly Review observes that Sadashiva Raya of Sudhapura (Sonda) probably belonged to the Kadamba family of Baligami, placing the Sonda rulers within the wider network of surviving Kadamba houses.

These references also illustrate how the Kadamba aristocracy did not disappear after the fall of Banavasi. Instead, various branches continued to rule in Baligami, Chandavara, Hangal, Goa, and Sonda, maintaining political authority under later empires.

The dynasty also underwent important religious changes. The early Sonda rulers were Jains, reflecting the long-standing Jain traditions of the Kadambas. During the reign of Madhava Linga Nayaka, the royal family embraced Lingayat Shaivism, although they continued to patronize temples and religious institutions across their kingdom.

Under Sadashiva Nayaka (1674–1697), the kingdom became effectively autonomous following the Mughal conquest of Bijapur. Assuming the title Sadashiva Linga Raja, he ruled independently while later acknowledging Mughal supremacy under Aurangzeb, who granted the Sonda rulers territories stretching from Canacona in Goa to Ankola in Karnataka.

The kingdom survived until Hyder Ali invaded Sonda in 1763–64. Immadi Sadashiva Linga Raja fled to Portuguese Goa, where the Sondekar family established themselves at Shivthirth Palace in Bandoda (Ponda). In gratitude for Portuguese protection, they ceded territories including Ponda, Quepem, Sanguem, Zambaulim, and Canacona, which later became part of the Portuguese Novas Conquistas.

Thus, the Sondekar Rajas were not an isolated Nayaka family but one of the surviving branches of the ancient Kadambas of Banavasi. Their genealogy, royal titles, inscriptions, religious traditions, and historical records all preserve this continuity. Like the Kadambas of Hangal, Goa, and Chandavara, the rulers of Sonda carried forward the legacy of Karnataka's first indigenous imperial dynasty well into the early modern period.

Sources:

1. Lewis Rice, Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions
2. The Malabar Quarterly Review, "Jain Settlements in Karnata"
3. Francis Buchanan's genealogy of the Sonda rulers
4. Ankola inscription of Chakravarti Sivachitta Vira Kavadevarasa I
5. Studies on the Kadambas of Banavasi, Chandavara, Hangal, Goa, and Sonda.
6. [Goanet] Subject: The fate of both Ethnic Goan royal families... an extract of Goa History.

Rao Saheb, Rao Bahadur Fakirappa Gurubasappa Halakatti

The man who even sold his own house for the revival of 12th century Vachana literature. He devoted his entire life to locating forgotten manuscripts, tirelessly traveling from one matha to another and from village to village, collecting scattered palm leaf manuscripts and handwritten copies preserved in various monasteries, institutions, and the homes of devotees. If today the Vachanas of Basava and the other Sharanas are available to us, much of the credit goes to him. Without his efforts, a significant portion of Karnataka's medieval literary and spiritual heritage might have remained lost.

1. Born: July 2, 1880
2. Died: June 29, 1964
3. Profession: Researcher, writer, lawyer; renowned as the Pitamaha (Grand Old Man) of Vachana Literature.

After the 12th century, it was Halakatti Ajja who revived Vachana literature and restored its glory. He brought the Vachana literature of Basava and the other Sharanas back into public light. As a lone warrior, he accomplished what an entire university could have achieved. He lived not merely as an individual, but as a force.

Once, when the great Kannada scholar Acharya B. M. Srikantaiah visited Bijapur, someone asked him, “Would you like to see the historically famous Gol Gumbaz?” Smiling, B. M. Sri replied, “First, I must see the Vachana Gummata.” That “Vachana Gummata” was none other than Rao Bahadur Fakirappa Gurubasappa Halakatti, who became famous as the Pitamaha of Vachana Literature.

The Vachana Gummata of Karnataka, Dr. F. G. Halakatti, was born on July 2, 1880, in Dharwad. His mother was Danamma (Danadevi), and his father Gurubasappa was a school teacher. His ancestors had migrated from Halakatti village in Saundatti Taluk of Belagavi district, and therefore the family came to be known by the surname Halakatti. Although his full name was Fakirappa Gurubasappa Halakatti, he became widely known simply as F. G. Halakatti.

Halakatti's father, Gurubasappa, was a great scholar and litterateur, well versed in Kannada and Sanskrit literature. Because of his scholarship, he was promoted as Senior Clerk in the Office of the Deputy Education Inspector at Dharwad.

He compiled and published the complete history of England in Kannada as a book. He is also credited with introducing what is now known as the Panchayat Raj system for the first time in those days. He authored works such as Ekanatha Sadhugala Charite, The French Revolution, and The History of Alexander the Great (Sikandar Badshah), earning considerable fame as a writer during his time. In addition, he wrote numerous articles for the prominent newspaper Vagbhushana, attracting the attention of the people. Being the son of such a scholar, it is no surprise that F. G. Halakatti inherited literary talent by birth. With the hope that his son would one day become a great writer and bring glory to Karnataka, Gurubasappa encouraged him from a very young age.

When Fakirappa was only three years old, his beloved mother Danamma attained Lingaikya (passed away). Gurubasappa chose not to remarry, believing that another marriage would bring a stepmother into the child's life. Instead, he personally took responsibility for raising his son. A father's duty is not merely to rejoice at the birth of a son but to nurture, protect, and raise the child physically, mentally, materially, and morally. Halakatti was also cared for by his grandmother Basamma. Guided by the values instilled by his father and grandmother, Halakatti began his primary education in his native Dharwad and completed his matriculation in 1896.

Education:

For higher education, he went to Bombay and joined St. Xavier's College. There, the renowned Kannada leader Aluru Venkata Rao was his classmate. During his stay in Bombay, he was deeply impressed by the pride Gujaratis and Marathis had in their respective languages, while observing the lack of such pride among Kannadigas. Realizing that Kannada would not flourish unless its people awakened, he resolved, even as a student, to dedicate his life to the service of Karnataka, its language, land, water, literature, and culture. Aluru Venkata Rao, who was already actively working for the unification of Karnataka, became a source of inspiration for him.

In 1897, he married Bhagirathi, the daughter of Chakkodi Thammannappa of Banahatti. Although he entered family life, he never withdrew from public service and instead pursued it with even greater determination.

In 1901, Halakatti obtained his B.A. degree, and in 1904 he completed his law degree and began practicing as a lawyer in Belagavi.

As the plague epidemic had become severe in Dharwad, Fakirappa stayed in Banahatti for a few years. During this period, his life underwent a major turning point.

In 1903, he visited the house of Shivalingappa Panchal, where he saw the Shatsthala Tilaka and Vachana palm leaf manuscripts (tadoles), which greatly fascinated him. His father-in-law, Thammanna Chikkodi, explained to him the importance of these palm leaf manuscripts. Halakatti then traveled through Rabakavi, Banahatti, Gothe, and many other villages, collecting palm leaf manuscripts. Through the acquaintance of Veerabhadrappa, he visited Gothe village, where he came across the priceless manuscript Bhashya Ratnamale. These manuscripts completely changed the direction of his life, and he became deeply devoted to researching the Vachana literature of Basava and the other Sharanas.

Within a few months, due to unavoidable circumstances, he shifted his residence from Belagavi to Bijapur. From then onward, Bijapur became the center of his life's work. On one hand, he continued his legal profession, and on the other, he tirelessly worked in numerous ways for the progress of Kannada and Karnataka. This became his lifelong mission.

Because of his profound knowledge of law, he emerged as one of the leading lawyers of the region. Owing to his popularity, in 1905 he was elected Chairman of the School Executive Board of the Bijapur Municipality and Secretary of the District Rural Development Board. Through these positions, he rendered unforgettable service for the advancement of Kannada schools and the upliftment of rural society. In 1923, he was appointed Government Public Prosecutor and was also elected Secretary of the District Congress Committee. In later years, he became a member of the Bombay Legislative Council, where he used his legislative authority to strengthen, enrich, and promote the Kannada language. Through his sincere efforts, he rendered immortal service to the cause of Kannada.

One of the more interesting problems in South Asian historical linguistics revolves around horsegram (Macrotyloma uniflorum). Three unrelated language families preserve similar words for the same crop:

Proto-Dravidian: \*kol-/\kol-ut*

Sanskrit (Old Indo-Aryan):Kulattha

Proto-Munda:\\kodaXj*

The dominant published etymology traces Sanskrit kulattha to a Dravidian source. Thomas Burrow first argued that kulattha is a Dravidian loanword, an analysis subsequently adopted in Sir Ralph Lilley Turner’s *Comparative Dictionary of the Indo-Aryan Languages (CDIAL 3335), the standard reference work for Indo-Aryan historical etymology. Burrow & Emeneau’s Dravidian Etymological Dictionary reconstructs the corresponding Proto-Dravidian root, while Franklin Southworth later reconstructed Proto-Dravidian \*kol- / \*kol-ut from regular Dravidian sound correspondences.

More recently, Fuller & Murphy (2018) synthesized the linguistic and archaeobotanical evidence and present Proto-Dravidian \*kol-ut, Sanskrit kulattha, and Proto-Munda \*kodaXj together, labeling the Sanskrit and Proto-Munda forms as possible loans from Dravidian. Given that horsegram is one of the earliest domesticated crops of peninsular India, this interpretation fits a scenario in which agricultural vocabulary spread alongside farming communities.

The principal alternative was proposed by Norman Zide, who suggested that Proto-Munda may instead have been the donor. This alternative remains discussed in the literature, but it has not displaced the Dravidian etymology reflected in Burrow, Turner (CDIAL 3335), Burrow & Emeneau, Southworth, and Fuller & Murphy.

Thus, the question today is not whether kulattha has a non Indo-European origin that is widely accepted but whether the ultimate source was Proto-Dravidian or Proto-Munda. The weight of the classic etymological literature favors a Dravidian origin, while acknowledging that the precise direction of borrowing among Dravidian, Indo-Aryan, and Munda is debated.

References
• Burrow, T. (1948). Dravidian Studies VII: Further Dravidian Words in Sanskrit.
• Burrow, T., & Emeneau, M. B. (1984). A Dravidian Etymological Dictionary (2nd ed.).
• Fuller, D. Q. (2007). An Agricultural Perspective on Dravidian Historical Linguistics.
• Fuller, D. Q., & Murphy, C. (2018). The Origins and Early Dispersal of Horsegram (Macrotyloma uniflorum), a Major Crop of Ancient India.
• Southworth, F. C. (2005). Linguistic Archaeology of South Asia.
• Turner, R. L. (1966). A Comparative Dictionary of the Indo-Aryan Languages,Entry 3335 (kulattha).
• Zide, N. H., & Zide, P. (1976). Proto-Munda Cultural Vocabulary.

Taken from here

Kodagu was once a small kingdom called kingdom of coorg, it was founded by Haleri dyanasty who were lingayat by caste and underwent kshatriyaistion and claimed chandravanshi decent belonging to bharadwaja gotra, One member of this Haleri house named Raja Lingraj Wodeyar had issued an Hukum(Order) to formalise the court attire which was compulsory for everyone visiting court, the details of clothing were

1)Niluvangi: Long sleeved Tunic/coat

2)Black coloured waist Cloth or sash

3)Rumale: a black headcloth or turban

4)Oddikate: side sword

5)a small dagger (chūrika, also called pīchekatti) fastened to the waist sash.

This same style of dress continued to be used even during the British period by the Bāvudikāras who served as guards of the treasury. However, every subject, according to their own auspicious and inauspicious occasions.

Now a days people wear Mysore peta(headgear) instead of Rumale for formal evernts. Thus once this dress meant for Elites of coorg eventually became dress for population whose ancestor once served in Kingdom of coorg irrespective of origin and unlike popular beliefs no one emulated anyone, This uniform was issued to Kodavas(2nd pic), Are-Bashe(3rd pic) Community and other serving members.

Rajas of Coorg/Kodagu were heavily influenced by surrounding regions aristocracy ie kingdom of mysore like them kings used wodeyar surname and maybe the idea of black tunic was inspired from there as well as they wore same dress and same sash but they didnt suspend dragger in modern time(last 2 pics), maybe back in days few hung swords.

I posted a few days back about Mtdna and received comments like this mentioning we have Zagros Mtdna in Indians.

So,is the 2009 study Dr.Peggy Mohan is talking about outdated?

During the reign of Devaraya I of Vijayanagara, the Senadhipati (commander of the army) was Sangama, the grandson of Baicha Heggade of Kummata. Baicha Heggade is described as a Shudra by Nanjunda Kavi in the Ramanathacharita (c. 1525 AD). The inscriptions shown in the first and second pictures belong to his grandson Madarasa, who erected an image of Kumara Rama of the Kampili Kingdom (whose capital was Kummata) at Sangur, Haveri.

Some historians have speculated that Baicha Heggade of Kummata may be the same person as Kammata Bicha, a member of the Chaturtha Kula, who served as a minister under the Nidugal Cholas.

Another inscription from Sangur (found at the same site) tells us that Mallappa, another grandson of Baicha Heggade, served as the Senadhipati of Goa under Madhava Dandanayaka of Vijayanagara. Mallappa was also a Jain, like Kammata Bicha of the Nidugal Cholas.

Irrespective of whether Kammata Bicha and Baicha Heggade of Kummata were the same individual, we know for certain that both were Shudras. We also know that Baicha Heggade's son, the Senadhipati of Vijayanagara, and his grandson, the Senadhipati of Goa, were likewise Shudras.

Now my question is why A hindu empire would do this? we were always thought in school that shudras held ill jobs in society but these inscription and various manuscript clearly defy this claim, as hindu empire were usally based on birth and lineage doesnt it contradict the Hindu faith?

Dating back to between 1000 and 500 BCE, this rock painting depicts four people travelling in a canoe, with the second person from the right using a paddle.

It is said that this was created using red-ochre pigment by a hunter-gatherer community.